Nawaz Sharif and Punjab centered politics

Arbaz Ahmad Janjhi

The political landscape of Pakistan has undergone a notable shift towards Punjab-centered dynamics over the last few years, prominently underscored by the recent return of former Prime Minister Mian Nawaz Sharif. This has sparked discussions on whether Sharif can rightfully claim the mantle of Punjab’s leadership within the Pakistan Muslim League – N (PML-N), the country’s major political contender.

For a considerable span, political endeavors and transformative initiatives have predominantly revolved around the province of Punjab. The historical rival of PML-N, the Pakistan People’s Party, historically held stronger footing in Sindh. However, both parties have tended to maintain a cordial opposition, even participating as coalition partners in previous governments, albeit with lingering grievances. The Pakistan People’s Party had envisioned Bilawal Bhutto as a potential Prime Minister, courting support from personalities within the BAP in Balochistan and South Punjab. However, this trajectory was abruptly disrupted, birthing the Pakistan Estehkam Party, aligning closer with PML-N. Subsequently, Bhutto accused PML-N of striking a deal with the establishment.

PML-N has historically struggled to gain significant support in Sindh. During the 1988 elections, Mian Nawaz Sharif espoused the slogan “Jag Punjabi Jag,” asserting his leadership in Punjab. This positioning against the PPP cast a perception in Sindh that PML-N opposed the aspirations and representation of the province, largely due to its minimal presence there.

Efforts were made by figures like Mushahid Hussain within PML-N to bolster their standing in Sindh, including establishing the Intellectuals’ League. However, their influence remained limited. Notable figures like Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi’s family, Pir Pagara, the Shirazi family of Thatta, Liaqat Jatoi, and Ghaus Ali Shah formed the basis of PML-N’s presence in Sindh. Yet, post-2013 elections, many of these figures distanced themselves, attributing it to PML-N’s policies.

In Karachi, individuals like Sardar Rahim and Haleem Siddiqui aligned with PML-N, displaying allegiance even during challenging times. However, they were marginalized, while individuals lacking strong local constituencies or public support gained prominence.

At present, PML-N’s activities are predominantly confined to Punjab, with minimal changes in Sindh, except the replacement of Shah Muhammad Shah with former bureaucrat and police officer Bashir Memon. PML-N’s engagement in Sindh seems poised to depend on alliances with GDA, MQM, and JUI-F, with an apparent focus on Punjab while eyeing select seats in Karachi and potentially consolidating support from Balochistan and South Punjab.

The concerning aspect of such a Punjab-centric political narrative is the potential exacerbation of issues related to resource allocation, water distribution, and census operations. A preoccupation with Punjab may sideline genuine representations of people, posing risks not just to democratic norms and political stability but also to the unity of the federation.

As elections loom, the centrality of Punjab in national politics may fundamentally reshape the country’s political landscape, potentially overlooking the diverse needs and representations of its various regions.